City Lights Movie Reflection Essay

A film in pantomime, I believe, means a romantic comedy where actors express their feelings by miming. The film’s story was mainly told through mime actions and the actors along with their facial expressions since it’s the only thing that is going on in a silent film, besides the sound. A pantomime uses its technique, in where a story is told using just music, sounds, and the motion and facial expressions. The scene I find memorable is where the main character firsts meets the man trying to commit suicide. I find it memorable because the same camera angle was used, and there was little camera movement. The man falling into the water and coming back out several times was shot in one take, if I remember well, and that takes lots of good acting and possibly more than one take was used for that scene. What also made the scene memorable was the lighting, because the scene might have been filmed during the night time, and the lights that were used showed the important places of the scene without showing much of the background, for example the bench had proper lighting and the place where they jumped in the water did as well. This movie’s filming is different than modern films because the shot lengths are much longer and there is little camera movement. There were few close-ups and few establishment shots. The only transitions between scenes were fade-outs and fade-ins. Shots also had to be rehearsed several times because film was very expensive and cameras were not digital so things could not be deleted on the spot or filmed over. Because of no sound, filmmakers had to rely on picking good actors, sound effects, and facial expressions. The actors play a huge part because the story can only be told through their motion and or expressions. The music had to be used to show suspense, playful/silly moments, or serious moments. The actors needed to be really well because it was really expensive for shots to be filmed more than once if not needed. The actors needed to know how to show different moods by facial expressions, movement of body, etc. This film is unique because of the long shots and the little camera movement. Charlie Chaplin did a great job at telling a story, and he did so with using few quote screens, and used them only when they were completely necessary. The storyline is also very different in this film. The opening scene of the movie also was irrelevant to the plot, and was used as an introduction to the main character and the type of person he is. I haven’t seen a single movie similar to City Lights.

The Screwtape Letters and Subjective Relativism

The Screwtape letters was written by C. S. Lewis in 1942. In this book, C. S. Lewis used 31 letters from a senior devil, Screwtape, to his nephew to describe how to corrupt a person’s soul. The most important idea is that when lower the standard of self-regulation step by step with subjective relativism, the self-regulation will be too low without any awareness, which means the victim does not even know his spirit was corrupted and he always think what he did is right. The key point is that subjective relativism, view that an action is morally right if a person approves of it, would be dangerous.When comparing this theory with the management environment in workplace, the situations are surprisingly similar. If a manager controls a big company or organization with subjective relativism-â€Å"all depends on the situation with settings†-the standard of the company or organization would be lowed step by step and finally out of control. As a result, managers don’t lik e a relativism management environment; they always use universalism or even absolutism to manage the systems. Subjective relativism is considered dangerous for a management system, and other people’s money, anonymity, and subjective relativism is a deadly combination.However, subjective relativism is not the core reason that makes the management system fail. Sometimes, it can benefit the management system. A New Examination of boiling frogs: we know where we are The boiling frog is a wide known story which is also very similar with the story of Screwtape. When putting a frog in a pot with boiling water in it, the frog will jump out of the pot immediately. However, when it was put in a pot of cold water and the pot was slowly heated, the frog would be boiled alive and die in the pot.However, this story is proved not true recently. According to Fast Company (2006), J. Debra Hofman did a new examination of the boiling frogs. â€Å"We placed Frog A into a pot of cold water and a pplied moderate heat. At 4. 20 seconds, it safely exited the pot with a leap of 24 centimeters. We then placed Frog B into a pot of lukewarm water and applied moderate heat. At 1. 57 seconds, it safely exited the pot with a leap of 57 centimeters. † Hofman commented, â€Å"The change myth assumes a very narrow view of people.If frogs can do it, people definitely can. † Just like the story of boiling frogs, the system doesn’t really out of control with subjective relativism. Relativism holds that there are no absolute moral principles, but the rules that truly guide them in each situation are to be â€Å"determined by their relation to something else: the willing of customs or culture of the group, or the desires of the workmates. † Gibb, J. R. (1991). Subjectivism means that â€Å"the sole source of knowledge or authority is in the perception of the individual. (Lisa Newton, 1995) When combining subjectivism and relativism, each person is his/her own auth ority in the business life, and is the source of his/her own guide. On this reasoning, each person has the right to decide on all matters of what is right and wrong. Subjective relativism can only lead people to do as they want, and the rules which guide them is depends on the environment, which means the relationships with others around them are the core reason why they change. For instance, in the story of Screwtape letters, the true way of corrupting a person’s soul is the so called â€Å"influence of others†, not subjective relativism.Self-awareness can’t be lowed, what is changing is relationship with others. According to subjective relativism, what's right for the employees may not be necessarily right for the company. However, the feeling of right or wrong is directly linked to the feeling of right or wrong from the group he/she lived in. As a result, when a manager is able to affect the employees by delivering his/her idea and value to the workplace (a g roup where employees are in), subjective relativism can benefit the company. Universalism vs.Relativism: Small business is perfectly fitful for relativism system Another quite different judgment system is universalism. Universalism and relativism are always compared in a national view point. â€Å"Universalism holds that more â€Å"primitive† cultures will eventually evolve to have the same system of law and rights as Western cultures. Cultural relativists hold an opposite, but similarly rigid viewpoint, that a traditional culture is unchangeable. In universalism, an individual is a social unit, possessing inalienable rights, and driven by the pursuit of self-interest.In the cultural relativist model, a community is the basic social unit. Concepts such as individualism, freedom of choice, and equality are absent. It is recognized that the community always comes first. †(Clemens N. Nathan, 2009) however, when talking about business systems, these concepts are a little b it different. Universalism refers to a system with â€Å"common rules with similar settings†, which means the system has the exactly same rules for all the employees. Looking at the top 100 multinational corporations, they are all using universalism. Universalism is needed today more than ever, especially in multinational corporations. â€Å"(David C. Wyld, 2011) As the world is becoming a smaller place because of globalization and Internet, universalism makes more sense in dealing with multinational issues. It can help the company to develop not only the standard of work environment, but also the reputation of the corporations. However, when focus on the most rapidly developing type of companies, small businesses, universalism seems too general and unfriendly to the employees. Even though subjective relativism has great problems and has a potential for abuse the employees, universalism in its current state is not the ideal solution† Wole Soyinka (2008). Subjective Rel ativism can help the employees to be more interested in the work and maximize the innovation of them. Besides, managers are able to control the company since it just have relatively small amount of employees that they won’t be abused. Subjective Relativism in New Economy The new economy is  commonly  believed to start from the late 1990s, as computer and Internet was developing worldwide. Companies in the new economy are heavily involved in the  internet and biotech industries, but the ripple effects of new technologies has spread out to  all other industries as well†(Investopedia,2012) The networked organizations need a different kind of control. Employees are highly empowered. They can get access to as many works and customers as they can. Besides, employees are highly educated today, sometime they have really good ideas about what companies should do to improve. In this way, managers should be more careful when controlling the management system, and common ru les with similar settings are not enough.Subjective relativism is more powerful in encouraging employees. The system gives the employees to be able to choose what they think is right to do, and the rules are relatively different but fit for each employee. â€Å"There is no logical connection between what you have a right to do and the right thing to do; but there is a psychological temptation to move from one to the other. Let's say that again: In logic, there is no connection between â€Å"You have the right to think what you like,† and â€Å"Anything you happen to like to think is right. You have the right, after all, to contradict yourself; you have all the right in the world to think that â€Å"2+2=5. † That doesn't make it correct. But psychologically, once you have told me that no one has the right to correct me when I claim certain sorts of opinions; you certainly seem to have told me that any such opinions are right, or at least as right as opinions can be. à ¢â‚¬  As Lisa Newton (1998) said, with subjective relativism, empowered employees are able to show their opinions and discuss those opinions together with out shame. Meanwhile, managers can communicate with his group much better and active.However, a big concern is that subjective relativism really has a potential for abuse the employees, so it would be a big challenge for managers to use this method. One suggestion is to combine the subjective relativism with universalism. That is, using the universalism in the company or corporation, but authorizes some division managers to use subjective relativism among the most excellent groups. In this way, companies can not only gain the benefit from universalism system, but also maximize the efficiency of the most excellent employees. References David C.Wyld(2011) Southeastern Louisiana University in Philosophy, March 17, 2011,Rethieved from: http://socyberty. com/philosophy/the-top-10-things-you-need-to-know-about-ethical-universalism-an-a nalysis-of-how-what-is-right-and-wrong-transcends-most-cultures-societies-and-religions/#ixzz2BNEPJbOP Fast Company (2006) Next Time, What Say We Boil a Consultant†. Fast Company Issue 01. October 1995. Retrieved from http://www. fastcompany. com/26455/next-time-what-say-we-boil-consultant Gibb, J. R. (1991) Trust: A New Vision of Human, Relationships for Business, Family and Personal Living. North Hollywood, CA: Newcastle Publishing Company. 991. Investopedia (2012) New Economy. Buzz Word-economy. Retrieved from: http://www. investopedia. com/terms/n/neweconomy. asp#ixzz2BMsc3J3c Lisa Newton (1998a) Subjective Relativism as a Challenge to Ethics. Doing Good and Avoiding Evil Part I. Principles and Reasoning Lisa Newton (1998b) Moral Commitments and the Discipline of Ethics. Doing Good and Avoiding Evil Part I. Principles and Reasoning Neumann Nathan (2009) the Changing Face of Religion and Human Rights by Clemens Wole Soyinka(2008) â€Å"The AVOIDABLE TRAP of CULTURAL RELATI VISM†, on the occasion of the second edition of the Geneva

English Paper Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 2

English Paper - Essay Example The song begins somewhat in medias ressince we can tell he is aggrieved, but we never get to find out the nature of his grievance until the last part when we see his woman who cuckolded him.This song is a true modern quiescence of the myriad of emotions ranging from bitterness, and pain that result from spurned love. It is no less representative of the concept than the classic literature in traditional works such as sonnets that are commonly associated with eloquence in expressing the theme of unrequited love. The idea of scorned love is introduced in the first words, which he sings as he drags massive, old-fashioned piano down the road. Immediately although without actual evidence, one realizes the bitterness in his voice as he belts out the first words; "easy come easy go that’s how you live oh, take take, take, but you never give". His tone is not just bitter, but it is also accusatory, this is a common characteristic when a love affair has gone south, as one often feels embittered and betrayed. His bitterness is brought out in his saying she has beaten him until he is black and blue, in a display of artistic decorum and candor, he tells her to say hey to the devil when she gets back home. The insinuation of the woman’s diabolism further supports the claim that he is as bitter as can be. As the song progresses we are get insight into why he is so bitter, in the chorus, the unrequited nature of this love is laid up in a starkly when he claims,he would have caught a grenade, jumped in front of a bus or even caught a bullet for her. Indeed die for her, but asserts with a face clouded in pain that she would never do the same. This juxtaposition serves to show the disparity in emotional priorities for the couple with the man giving his all and the woman giving nothing. There is intermittent interaction between the singer and clips symbolic of the actions he is singing about such as jumping in front of a train. Bruno Mars, the main

The historical and literary significance of the relationship Essay

The historical and literary significance of the relationship concerning Emperor Xuanzong, An Lushan, and Yang Guifei - Essay Example Emperor Xuanzong, though, was held responsible for over-trusting An Lushan, Li Linfu andYang Guozhong during his late time in power, with Tang's golden era ending in the Anshi Rebellion. This was clear beginning of the Tang Dynasty's decline (Skaff 223). The An Shi Rebellion (755-763) was a whirling end in the Tang Dynasty’s recognition of foreigners. Subsequent to the Rebellion, it was narrow-minded that culture and rising persecution of foreign and religious communities. For this reason, cultural historians of the Tang allege that this attitudinal change was a reaction to the uprising. In current history, the Rebellion is at all times seen as a demonstration of the threat of the outsider (West 108). The attitudinal move of the Tang is thus seen, as a result, to this sudden manifested unfamiliar threat. This conventional explanation places the social and political as a reason, and assumes that the attitudinal shift was a natural outcome of the disastrous foreigner-led revolut ion. It has been found that the opposite is true. As is detailed above, the Rebellion was in no way strained along tribal lines, with both sides deeply associated with foreign control in China. The classification of the rebels as representative of the threat of the alien did not come up sensibly out of the actual situation. However, this clarity was produced by a cultural background that defined all the Tang Empire’s conflicts as a war stuck between the barbarians’ people and the Han. The attitudinal move away from cosmopolitanism and towards elimination of the foreigner pre-dated and defined the uprising (West 108). Through research, the development of this artistic shift in popular literature and politics was before the Rebellion. It is evident that the shift towards the elimination of the foreigner began at least three decades earlier to the Rebellion. In paragraph one sentence two the evidence of this shift, demonstrate how this cultural context affected the Tang e lites’ perceptive of the Rebellion as it occurred. Both in paragraph one and two support the thesis that the identification of the Rebellion as a foreign incursion was primarily caused by pre-Rebellion cultural shifts relatively to the actual events of the Rebellion. The An Shi Rebellion is named after the two rebel leaders (703-757). Turco-Sogdian frontier general named An Lushan, who revoked Tang and established his own rule in the central and northeastern regions of China (Ye 71). Guifei was born in 719 during the Dynasty of Tang, early in the sovereignty of Emperor Xuanzong. Almost immediately into his reign as rebel emperor, An Lushan was assassinated by his officers and own staff (West 108). The throne was passed to his son whose ruling was marked by military struggles that lead to rescue of west-central china by Tang. One of the generals seized the rebel state until his assassination in 762, where his son could not lead and was defeated by Tang forces and committed sui cide. This marked the end of the rebellion. Regardless of the overseas heritage of the two royal families of the radical state, the actual ethnic identity of equal sides was extremely complex. The rebel state had ties with Han Hebei separatists and engaged thousands of Han officials and generals, even as the Tang administration during the Rebellion functioned as a Uyghur vassal. The Tang surrender to foreigners would substantially outlive the Rebellion (Ye 323). The relationship of the three leader’

Some like it hot Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Some like it hot - Essay Example The whole story is about two musicians a saxophone player and a double bass player from a jazz band in Chicago. They witness the Valentine's Day Massacre and later come to learn that they are the only witnesses. The gangsters perpetrating the murders unfortunately see them at the murder scene and start looking for the Joe and Jerry. On noting that their lives are in danger due to the gangsters’ increased search, they flee the state. The only way they can get out of town safely is by joining a female band and disguising themselves as women so that both the women and gangsters would not spot them. The female band’s vocalist is Sweet Sue while the manager was Bienstock. They disguised themselves and changed their names to Daphne (Jerry) and Josephine (Joe). To blend in, Joe and Jerry imitated what other women from the band are doing. Through this they learn how to walk on heels and talk like women. At first, they find it hard to adapt to the new situation but later on lear n more of women stuff through their recently made friend, Sugar Kane. Additionally, both musicians had a crush on Kane. Once in Miami, Joe and Jerry change their ways of life and are ready for commitments unlike when they were womanizers back in Chicago. They also go through a lot while disguised as women such as the Osgood case, who was an infertile millionaire looking for a woman to stop his impotence. Osgood lures Kane and Jerry to be his wives but later dismisses them and the story ends after Osgood decides to marry Daphne (Jerry). The film was 122 minutes long and has been nominated for several awards in the movie industry. II. Body: As compared to the type of movies that are produced today, the writer and producer of ‘Some like It Hot’ emerged to be one of the best off all times. He divided the movie into three main acts and each preview needed the characters to expose different traits. These three acts include one before Joe and Jerry left Chicago, the other when they booked the train to Miami and finally the act where they were in Miami looking for true and sensitive love. A. Act 1: it begins while Joe and Jerry are musicians in Chicago. Jerry played double base for the bad while Joe was a saxophone player. They were known to be womanizers irrespective of their low paying jobs. On the contrary, the act also introduces cruel criminals who execute the Valentine’s Day massacre. This provides a ‘gangster feeling’ to the audience which creates suspense whether the two musicians will be caught or not. They are also the reason as to why act two comes to place. They start looking for their only two witnesses, Joe and Jerry who decide to run away for their lives. Joe and Jerry bring the trait of cross-dressing where they have to dress as women so as to blend in into an all female band led by Kane. B. Act 2: Here, the two musicians prepare to leave for Miami by boarding a train with the female group they have joined. At first, th e act brings out the funniest part of the film where they try walking in high heels. This also brings the cross dressing which is their only way to survive. While disguised, they become part of the ‘woman life’ and get to know some secrets through Susan. They also have access to private conversations of other band members who are not aware of the disguise. Susan tells them a brief story of her love life. She claims that

The Financial System Crisis of August 2007 Essay

The Financial System Crisis of August 2007 - Essay Example This category is the most risky element of the mortgage market and over-exposure to this segment put banks in high risk. Although the sub-prime mortgage market in the United States constitutes only a small proportion of the entire market, the uncertainties related to the liquidity of the banks' financials took the situation to critical levels. On August 31, 2007, Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke noted that "[a]lthough this episode appears to have been triggered largely by heightened concerns about subprime mortgages, global financial losses have far exceeded even the most pessimistic projections of credit losses on those loans" (Open CRS, 2007). Suddenly, there was a loss in liquidity in all financial markets in the US, including the securities markets. Fears of risks began to grow and most financial institutions began to invest in the safest financial instrument, that is, US Treasury Bonds. Even the market for commercial paper nearly froze as a result of which large corporation s found it difficult to raise funds for their day-to-day operations (Beams, 2007). The real cause of the crisis may be traced back to the rise in the housing credit market boosted by low interest rates since 2000. In order to boost consumer spending after the dotcom bust of 2000, interest rates were lowered. As a result, not only did people begin to buy more houses, they also refinanced the property to with further mortgages. As a result, consumer spending in the economy grew phenomenally and savings petered. By the beginning of 2007, defaults on loans began to grow, reaching 30 percent higher than what it was a year ago and credit card companies had to write off 4.8 percent of the receivables (Beams, 2007). Many sub-prime lenders like New Century Financial Corporation had to file for bankruptcy following a significant amount of foreclosures as a result of default on payments (wikipedia) and on the whole stock prices of mortgage companies were the first to be affected. Analysts have argued that the roots of the financial crisis of August 2007 originate from the global economic trends over the last decade. Globalization and inter-linkages of financial markets have resulted in heightened uncertainties and global financial imbalances. The US government finances have turned from surpluses in the 1990s to a deficit, public debt being 64.7 percent of GDP in 2005, close to what it is in other industrialized countries (CIA). This has largely been the result of tax cuts in the past, in order to boost growth since the dotcom bust in 1999-00, as well as increased outlays for defense and military spending necessitated by rise in terrorism at home as well as initiatives in the middle East. Hence, the fiscal policy that spurred economic recovery resulted in rise in interest rates (Muhlesein & Towe, 2004). The US monetary policy has largely supported the fiscal policy-induced growth. The growing current affairs deficit of nearly 7 percent of GDP, that is the deficit between what the country earns abroad and what it spends, has been a cause for concern. US external debt has been close to 25 percent of GDP for over two years (Setser et al, 2005). Much of this deficit is financed by foreign central banks subscribing to US Treasury Bonds, particularly the central bank of China, which has had the fastest growth among all

Unit 3 Part 1 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Unit 3 Part 1 - Essay Example Anderson and Bushman (2001), provide a better understanding of such effects on viewers. Their scientific research states that, â€Å"Violent media increase aggression by teaching observers how to aggress, by priming aggressive cognitions (including previously learned aggressive scripts and aggressive perceptual schemata), by increasing arousal, or by creating an aggressive affective state.† The violent video games are not only affecting the social, psychological and physical wellbeing of children but are also affecting their activities including education, family relationships and interating abilities. In this regard, Lynch et al. (2004), provide studies which â€Å"show a fairly consistent negative correlation between recreational video game play and grades.† Children, who are aggressive by nature without any external factor increasing this aggression, are more likely to be affected by such video games. A correlational study conducted by Anderson and Dill (2000) concludes that the relationship between violent video games and aggression are more likely to be devastating for children having aggressive behaviour or showing negative behaviours in their early life. The main result of the study by Baldacci, Pasold, Baumgardner, & Funk (2004) proposed that media exposure directly relates to the desensitization of children from violence. It also leads to lower empathy when it comes to real life violence. The more a child is exposed to violence in media or video games the more he is desensitized to his surroundings. Similarly it was also found through the study the empathy level of the children was also significantly lowered down with the increased exposure to media and games. Hence, we may conclude that the effects of violent video games and exposure of violence on media is affecting children greatly. There is a need to research the effects in depth and analyze the changes that occur in children’s behaviour after getting exposed to media

Interviewing Skills in Legal Practice Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Interviewing Skills in Legal Practice - Essay Example â€Å"They may have been served with a paper stating things that they know to be untrue; they may have been wronged by another† (Sarat & Felstiner, p. 83, 1997). They may consider that they have acted in a befitting manner and, once all the details are uncovered, no sensible individual could oppose that they have been wrongly charged. They may realize that they have acted incorrectly by some means but have a litany of allegations of improvement, justification, and rationalization.   Public speaking is constantly stated as an extremely frightened occasion in investigations. Lawyers have to do a considerable amount of discussion and be at ease communicating in the presence of others, even the transactional legal representative who under no circumstances goes to the courthouse apart from to file real estate papers. Therefore, it is essential to take into account that the prospective customer may have a huge deal of apprehension regarding telling his or her narrative to an unfamiliar person. How to deal with the clients’ preliminary requirement to tell their narrative is something that is handled differently by various lawyers. It is a manifestation of their individual approach and the topic of their practice. There is no exact technique here, even though there are a few incorrect ones, for instance, the lawyer doing the talking for the most part, with lots of inexplicable legal terminology and giving ‘little or no time for follow-up questionsâ€⠄¢ by the prospective client.   Listening is a most important requirement for an interview, and like other abilities can be enhanced with learning and rehearsal. Too many times within these days’ society, what stands for listening is only waiting silently for your turn to have a discussion.

Architecture in the Modern Arab and Islamic World Essay - 1

Architecture in the Modern Arab and Islamic World - Essay Example The US embassy in Baghdad was built to these specifications. It was designed by Josep Serts taking into consideration the need to protect the building and staff and be able to withstand explosions at the same time. Serts bold design was to crown the ambassadors residence with a spectacular concrete canopy. The canopy as seen from an aerial view, evoked some striking geometric patterns that highlighted the ceramic tiles and wood inlay. In addition, the concrete canopy was constructed to specifications that would provide protection for the ambassador and staff, should there be an aerial attack. On the other hand, the US embassy in Baghdad is a fortress that few can see. Such a building in Iraq defied the Islamic architectural traditions and instilled little confidence in the government. Furthermore, critics argue that the Americans built the US embassy with its security modifications in order to signify its strength and impose its will on the surrounding areas. Also, in some opinions, the embassy depicts one of the most beautiful and well designed modernist structures in the region. In conclusion, the rise of the US embassy in Baghdad symbolized a successful architectural experiment for the region, which paved the way for further transformation decades later, with thought-provoking and original Western influenced

Health and Social Care Essay Example for Free

Health and Social Care Essay There are many indicators of health to find out about my volunteers present health. Firstly, there is the peak flow meter. My volunteers peak flow reading is 410 therefore this shows that she shows no signs of asthma and her breathing rate is average and shows that her health is in a positive state. My volunteers BMI shows that she is slightly overweight keeping this in mind I have set her targets which will help her to have a average weight. Last of all, my volunteers blood pressure is approximately a reading of 120/80 mmHg which is in general an average reading of blood pressure. Therefore this shows that she does not show signs of high blood pressure and this also indicates that she is not under a lot of stress or pressure from work and studies. This also reveals that my volunteers present blood pressure is proportional to average and that her present health is essentially positive. Page 1Zoom in Page 1 2 3 4 5 Next Level: GCSE Subject: Health and Social Care Word count: 1506 Save View my saved documents Submit similar document Share this Health and Social Care Download this essay Print Save GCSE HEALTH AND SOCIAL CARE An extract from this document Task 1: There are many indicators of health. Indicators of health can help you find out about an individuals health. The main indicators are: * Height weight charts * Body Mass Index (BMI) * Blood pressure * Peak flow meter * Resting pulse and recovery after exercise Height weight charts: When babies are born, they are weighed and measured regularly to display whether they are fed properly. They are also assessed to show their growth rates and see if they are growing properly. Also to see if the baby is underweight, overweight, average etc Additionally, they are weighed every week for the first two months of their lives. Body Mass Index (BMI): Body mass index is an indicator of good health as it measures the amount of fat in an individuals body in association to his or hers height. It is a formula used to show your body weight in relation to your height to see whether you are underweight, average or overweight. BMI equals weight in kilograms divided by height in meters. Blood pressure: Blood is carried from the heart to all parts of your body in vessels called arteries. Blood pressure is the pressure in which the blood is applied in the arteries and the force in which the heart pumps blood. According to Google, they define blood pressure as, the level of pressure that the blood exerts against the walls of the arteries as it passes through them. This is also a successful indicator of an individuals health as it measures how fast your heart is pumping blood therefore it advises you if you need to do certain things to help slow down the rate at which your heart pumps. As you can see, its a very positive thing and can help stop you from developing diseases such as heart disease and can make your kidney work harder which is very damaging. Blood pressure is very vital to the body and if it is average then your lifestyle will be much more satisfied. Peak Flow Meter: Another way of checking on your health is by using a peak flow meter. A peal flow meter is a special kind of instrument that measures the breathing rate and the volume of air taken in by an individual in the time of each breath. In addition, they are also used to distinguish how efficient a persons lungs are. To use a peak flow meter, a person has to blow as hard as he/she can into the mouthpiece and then examine the pointer and check the reading however you must do this three times to assure that you get an accurate reading. The measurement is used to estimate the width of the air flow in the bronchi. This is a positive indicator and you can use it to find out whether an individual is breathing properly or if they are managing their asthma correctly etc Resting pulse and recovery after exercise: A persons resting pulse rate is the pulse rate when a person is sitting still without moving. You can measure your pulse rate by placing pressure on your wrist or your neck. Your recovery heart rate is the number of beats per minute your heart drops when you stop moving. The higher the fitness levels the faster the drop in heart rate. The most common recovery heart rate can be measurement of up to 1 to 2 minutes however a complete recovery heart may consist of up to an hour. This is a positive indicator of health considering it shows how healthy and athletic your body is after exercise. If your heart does not pump that fast then you are in a healthy and fit state so your body can be affected by much less diseases or illnesses therefore it is very beneficial and helpful. Task 2: There are many indicators of health to find out about my volunteers present health. Firstly, there is the peak flow meter. My volunteers peak flow reading is 410 therefore this shows that she shows no signs of asthma and her breathing rate is average and shows that her health is in a positive state. My volunteers BMI shows that she is slightly overweight keeping this in mind I have set her targets which will help her to have a average weight. Last of all, my volunteers blood pressure is approximately a reading of 120/80 mmHg which is in general an average reading of blood pressure. Therefore this shows that she does not show signs of high blood pressure and this also indicates that she is not under a lot of stress or pressure from work and studies. This also reveals that my volunteers present blood pressure is proportional to average and that her present health is essentially positive. Task 4: I have set 3 targets for my volunteer to meet and stick to in order for her to improve her health. Those three targets that I have set are: 1) To have a balanced diet 2) To do regular exercise 3) To improve personal hygiene I think that to improve my volunteers health needs, she must stick to these particular targets so that her lifestyle can be developed and progressed so that she can achieve her overall needs. Task 5: Previously, I had chosen 3 targets for my volunteer to stick to in order to improve her health. Here is a health plan for each of those targets for my volunteer to know thoroughly how to improve and stick to her targets. Wash clothing and linens on a regular basis. However, the dilemma is germs and bacteria can develop and increase in your dirty clothes basket so try to be persistent on a weekly cleaning schedule.

Causes of Instability in Afghan Pak Region

Causes of Instability in Afghan Pak Region DURAND LINE AND PAKHTOON DIVIDE AS THE CAUSE OF INSTABILITY IN AFGAN PAK REGION CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Durand Line[i], the notorious frontier between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Some people blame this frontier for all of Afghanistans current problems. And there are those who go so far as to blame it for the problems in Pakistan. Indeed, there are those who blame the Durand line not just for terrorism and other problems of instability in Pakistan, but even for the terrorist attacks suffered in London in July 2005, tracing their origins all the way back to the tribal agencies of North- West Pakistan. 2. Some people have even been so bold as to say that everything in Afghanistan would be sorted out if only the United States could cross over the frontier and ‘do its thing there. Such commentators seem little daunted by the fact that British administrators spent 150 years trying in vain to resolve the same problems which confront us today. The region that is today known as Afghanistan was long torn by ethnic and tribal rivalries. 3. The strategic significance of Afghanistan was not lost on either the British Empire or the Soviets. And hence, Afghanistan became a buffer between Communism and the West. Afghanistan shares borders with six countries, but the approximate 1500 mile long Durand Line along Pakistan remains the most dangerous. Kabul has never recognised the line as an international border, instead claiming the Pashtun territories in Pakistan that comprise the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and parts of North West Frontier Province along the border. 4. The geo strategic importance of Afghanistan has been a major factor in foreign policy formulations Pakistan. Afghanistan has always provided the much-needed strategic depth to Pakistan in all its policies against India. The Durand Line, becomes a very important factor as the Durand line, is still not accepted by the Pashtuns on either side. 5. In view of the above, it is essential to identify the fault line i.e. the Pakhtoon Divide and turbulent relationship between the two nations as the source of instability in the region, with specific reference to its effect on Afghan Pakistan relations. The study, while briefly looking at the events leading genesis of the problem will attempt to analyse whether turbulent Pakistan Afghanistan relations(which have not been cordial in spite of geographical contiguity and identity of religion, cultural and economic interests) and Pakhtoon divide legacy as the cause of instability in the region. METHODOLOGY Statement of the Problem 6. To analyse whether instability in Afghan Pak region can be attributed to turbulent relationship between the two nations and Pakhtoon Divide legacy. Justification for the Study 7. Afghanistan shares borders with six countries, but the approximate 1500 mile long Durand Line along Pakistan remains the most dangerous. Kabul has never recognised the line as an international border, instead claiming the Pashtun territories in Pakistan that comprise the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and parts of North West Frontier Province[ii] along the border.Incidents of violence have increased on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border since the U.S led war in Afghanistan. In the last several years, U.S. officials and national intelligence reports have repeatedly attributed the growing strength of Al-Qaeda and resurgence of the Taliban to safe havens in this border region. 8. The rise of Taliban and the support provided to them by Pakistan has given a different complexion to the Afghan Pak crisis. Taliban led Afghanistan is an ally of Pakistan and the ambit of their relations cover Islamic fundamentalism, support to Kashmir militants and even strategic depth to Pakistan in the event of hostilities with India. Hence it is important to carry out an analysis of the reasons for instability in Afghan Pak region. Scope 9. This study concentrates on the historical perspectives, the Pakhtoon issue, the stands of both the nations on Pakhtoon issue, relations and policies adopted by both the countries which have led Afghanistan Pakistan region into a troubled area and rise of insurgency leading to instability in the region. Data Collection 10. The study is primarily based on information gathered from books written by authors of Indian, western origin and other Afghanistan experts. Other sources of information are articles written in Indian newspapers, defense journals and periodicals have been referred. Various internet sites too have been accessed to get the latest inputs. A detailed bibliography of sources is appended at the end of the text. Organisation of the Dissertation 11. The study will be covered under the following heads :- (a) Chapter II : The Pakhtoonian Issue: Study of Legacy. (b) Chapter III : Conflicting Stands on Pakhtoonian Issue. (c) Chapter IV : Pak Afghan Relations and Pakhtoonian Issue. (d) Chapter V : Pakistans Afghan Policy. (e) Chapter VI : The Insurgency in The Border Area and Threat to Region. (f) Chapter VII : Recommendations. 12. Chapter II The Pakhtoonian Issue: Study Of Legacy. This chapter gives an overview of the historical perspective of the complexity of the present Pak Afghan relations which can be comprehended by understanding the historical background to the Pakhtoonian issue. In this chapter, an attempt has been made to analyse the British and Russian policies of imperialism and competition in Central and South Asia which compelled the to regard Afghanistan as ‘Zone of Interpenetration. The British ‘outer oriented ‘ frontier policy in the north western boders of India which resulted in vague ill defined Indo Afghan border and later hostile Pak Afghan relations. 13. Chapter III Conflicting Stands on Pakhtoonian Issue. The bitterness and hostility between Pakistan and Afghanistan are an imperial legacy and arbitrary segregation of Pakhtoons by the Durand Line in disregard of their ethnic affinities. Both countries have come to loggerheads many a times over Pakhtoonian issue. This chapter analyses arguments advanced by both the countries in favor of their positions. 14. Chapter IV Pak Afghan Relations and Pakhtoonian Issue. This chapter deals with the Pastunistan Issue and Pak Afghan relations, wherein it is argued that the domestic restraints imposed by internal dynamics of the two countries have been responsible for continuation of hostilities. 15. Chapter V Pakistans Afghan Policy. This chapter will cover the interests of Pakistan in pursuing policies to give it control over Afghanistan and their unstinted support to the Taliban to accomplish this endeavor. 16. Chapter VI -The Insurgency In The Border Area And Threat to Region. The Talibanisation of Afghanistan and the various implications/threats it holds for the region would be analysed in the chapter. 17. Chapter VII Recommendations. The Road Ahead CHAPTER II The first and most important advice that I can give to my successors and people to make Afghanistan into a great kingdom is to impress upon their minds the value of unity; unity, and unity alone, can make it into a great power. Abdur Rehman Khan Amir of Afghanistan (1880-1901) THE PAKHTOONIAN ISSUE: STUDY OF LEGACY 1. The complexity of the present Afghan Pak relations can be comprehended better with some political background that led to Pakhtoonian issue[iii] a question relating to legal and political status of the trans Afghan Pakhtoons. 2. The Pakhtoons are ancient tribes[iv], they inhibited the eastern highlands and mountains of Afghanistan when Alexander armies passed through that area to invade India in the 4th century B.C. Afghanistan, as an independent country, is a recent phenome ­non. When Ahmed Shah Abdali was selected as the king by the Afghan tribes there was then no such thing as Afghanistan. The first thing for him to do, therefore, was to bring together various Afghan districts into one political unit. The period after the death of Ahmed Shah in 1773 saw a lot of confusion and intense struggle for power in Afghanistan. By that time the British had established themselves in most parts of India, extending their authority up to the Sutlej. 3. Meanwhile in the early 19th century the Sikh power under Ranjit Singh flourished in Punjab. The dominion of Ranjit Singh expanded considerably in the north-west as a result of political confusion in Afghanistan and extended up to the east of the Khyber Pass.[v] After the fall of the Sikh empire in 1849, the British occupied Sikh possessions, which brought them into direct contact with the Afghan territory for the first time.[vi] It is important to note that Afghanistans boundaries were not clearly defined at that time which gave rise to a number of uneasy and unhappy positions as the British and Russian empires exploited the vagueness of Afghan frontiers. 4. After the conquest of Punjab, the British influence unmis ­takably spread north-west ward. But the British were not the only power that was consolidating its position in the region. The Russians were also advancing in the same direction which made the British uneasy. They knew that Afghanistan having undefined boundaries is the only country between their empire and Russia. Finding direct control over Afghanistan expensive and difficult because of the rocky and mountainous land and Pakhtoons â€Å"tradi ­tional love of independence, Britain wanted to have an independent and strong—though not too strong—Afghanistan as a barrier to the expansion of Russian influence. In other words, the British were keen to make Afghanistan a buffer state between Russia and the British India. Afghanistan thus found itself caught in a vice between the two great powers. Close Border or Forward Policy 5. But boundaries looked increasingly important. By the 1840s the Russians had reached the Aral Sea and were slowly being drawn into Central Asia. In 1849 the Punjab passed into British hands, as did Sindh. By this point British India had as its effective border the foothills of the mountains where dwelt the Pushtun hill tribes. The tribes saw no reason to stop their traditional raids just because the territory was now British. So, like the Mughuls and Sikhs before them, the British were faced with the problem of how to control the tribes. 6. They tried first the ‘Close Border Policy'[vii] which held as a principle that British sovereignty should not be extended to areas which could not be governed effectively. Accordingly the foothills were fortified to keep out the hill-based tribal peoples and irregular troops, levies, were raised to resist attacks on the population of the foothills. To keep the tribesmen sweet, the British tried making agreements with them, they tried friendship, they tried goodwill, they tried allowances for good behavior, giving them money to provide services to keep the roads open, to protect communications, to deny sanctuary to outlaws in contravention of their tribal codes. But this didnt work very well. Expedition after expedition went into the hills to chastise the tribal people. Yet this was all much in vain, clear signs that this ‘close border policy was not working. 7. As the 19th century progressed, another approach was devised: the ‘Forward Policy'[viii], called the Sandeman system, which involved capturing and holding areas in the tribal zones in the hills. Strong points were captured, fortified, garrisoned and connected by roads which would be protected. The tribes would be allowed to run their own affairs in the hope they would gradually come under the influence of the British government. But this forward policy inevitably raised the question of where the border between British India and Afghanistan should be set. At the same time fears were growing about the advance of the Russian Empire. By the 1870s the Russians had been able to capture the great Central Asian cities of Bokhara, Samarkand and Khiva. Hence the appeal of the ‘forward policy which in its most extreme form posited that the frontier be pushed as far forward as possible, ideally to the genuine or ‘scientific frontier of the Hindu Kush, with Kabul, Ghazni and Kandahar forming the first line of defense. This idea found brief expression in the Second Afghan war of 1878 1880 when the British invaded Afghanistan again and found themselves trying to hold the old Mughal frontier. But they failed not because of the Russians, but because of Afghan resistance. The Durand line[ix] 8. By the 1880s the Russians had advanced further and were pressing on the river Oxus and Afghanistan itself. By 1893, the British had concluded that formal borders needed to be established between Afghanistan and British India, so that everyone would know where they stood and the Russian advance could be held off from the British Empire in India. The man sent to negotiate was the Indian Foreign Secretary, Sir Henry Mortimer Durand. 9. Durands main concern was to secure Afghanistans northern border with Russia. A first settlement had been made in 1885 using the Oxus River but the boundary had not been taken all the way east into the region of the Pamirs and the Wakhan. Durand was desperate to make sure that this part of the border was absolutely clear so that the Russians could not sneak down through the Pamir Mountains into northern India. The Amir dangled that card before Durand to get a better deal when the frontier between British India and Afghanistan was negotiated. It is not the case that the British presented a clearly thought-out proposal for a particular line for the frontier and threatened a further invasion if their proposal was not accepted. There was a lot of give and take in the negotiation. The Amir put forward an ambitious boundary proposal, the British suggested a very different frontier line which would include Waziristan in British India. After lot of to and fro, ultimately the Afghans agreed that Dir, Swat, Peshawar and Chitral should be British. In return the Afghans secured some strategic strong points, notably Asmar, which gave them access to Nuristan and various of Afghanistans eastern regions.[x] 10. Then, at the very last moment, when agreement had been reached that all of Waziristan would be British, Durand, almost as an afterthought, possibly as a concession to allow the Amir to gain a little face, suddenly allowed the Amir to keep the Birmal tract of Waziristan. This was not the best of ideas, since it involved splitting Waziristan and the tribal people in two. But it may be that the maps from which the Amir and Durand were working were not very good, for when the demarcation teams went out into the field to try to delimit the boundary, there were areas represented on the map which did not exist on the ground and vice versa. Memoirs indicate that the Amir was pleased with the settlement reached. Nevertheless at the same time the Amir secretly spread propaganda against the British, saying that he was not pleased and that it would be a good thing to move the Line over towards the east. 11. Amir Abdul Rahman Khan ruled Afghanistan for the last two decades of the 19th century. He was prevented from expanding externally by Russia in the North and North East, the British in the North and North West and Persia in the East. Internally, he was also surrounded by many difficulties. His first priority was to consolidate his position internally. After he had satisfactorily consolidated his position to an extent, he turned towards reforms that he felt were necessary for making Afghanistan a great nation in the future. Amir felt that reforms would not be possible until a boundary line was marked along the perimeter of Afghanistan so that people could know what provinces really belonged to Afghanistan.[xi] 12. The Durand Line (refer Appendix ), as demarcated between 1893 and 1896, was drawn all the way from the Persian frontier to the Wakhan, the little area on which the British insisted to keep a distance between the British and Russian Empires. There were two exceptions which at that time remained undemarcated, an area in the region of Chitral and another area a little north of the routes towards Kabul the country of the Mohmand tribe. The demarcation team tried to make the line as sensible as possible by using natural features, such as mountain crests, streams and rivers as boundaries, thus splitting up areas of river drainage. They also tried to set up boundary pillars so that there was some physical evidence of the boundary. 13. A close look at the route of this 1900 mile long boundary, indicates that the first section follows the crest of the Hindu Kush Mountains, where there is only the occasional pass. This section was actually very secure, for given the height and the cold it was difficult to moves forces across the area. Next the Line moves further down towards the Mohmand hills, where there was one of the undemarcated sections. There are still few passes of importance in this region. However coming down to the vital strategic region, the number of passes increases. There is of course the Khyber Pass, another important pass in the Kurram Agency, and a third, the Tochi pass, which was an important trade and invasion route in the old days. Further on, in the area of Waziristan, the Line does not follow mountain crests and peaks so clearly. It is convoluted, following various peoples agricultural rights and field boundaries. The Line splits at least 12 villages in half and divides other villages from t heir agricultural territories. It becomes easier to follow further south where most of the land is just desert. 14. The line cuts tribes and tribal groups in half. The Birmal tract of Waziristan is on the Afghanistan side, with the rest of Waziristan on the British or Pakistani side. The Mohmand tribal areas are also cut in two. And, inevitably, because the border is generally in a very distant set of areas, it is highly porous and difficult to police, especially when family groups are on both sides. Particularly in Waziristan, there are many passes and paths through which it is easy to move from British India (or Paki- stan) into Afghanistan and back. 15. There were advantages of the Line for the British. There was a strategic advantage in that they held positions forward of the passes and controlled the heights, thus facilitating the policing of the passes. They also managed to achieve the tripartite border a vision they had held for a long time.[xii] The first part of the border was the buffer state, Afghanistan. The second part was the tribal areas in the hills, which the British did not try to govern, but simply garrisoned. These areas were vassal states, on the Indian side of the line but not under the sovereignty of British India. The third part was further back, where the real government of India started. The depth of this frontier system certainly kept the Russians away, but the corollary was that the British faced the familiar internal policing problem. 16. There were also advantages for the Afghans. As the ruler of Afghanistan was trying to unify his country and make it into a coherent state. Because he had been given a set of clear boundaries, it was much easier for him to project his power within those boundaries and to know that he would not be interfered with. Further north, he was able for the first time to extend his sway right up to the frontier. 17. For the people on the ground, there was not much of a practical effect. They still had freedom of movement. In the 1893 Treaty which he signed with Durand, Abdur Rahman promised not to try to project his influence over the border. But that did not stop him from inviting the tribesmen from those regions to Kabul and giving them honours, robes, money, guns anything to keep them sweet, anything to keep them on side.[xiii] 18. In 1904 Lord Curzon decided to divide the area to make it easier to administer. Originally the whole area was part of the Punjab. Lord Curzon split it off and created a government of the North Western Frontier Province. He established tribal areas beyond the administrative boundary of India where the Indian government did not presume to govern with regular laws. Different laws were set up for these tribal areas, the Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR), which had been in force in various forms since the 1870s, were now applied in a systematic way. They are a harsh set of laws, with some alarming implications and are still in force today, more or less in the form in which the British left them. All policing, executive and judicial functions are in the hands of a political agent, who is answerable, via a commissioner, originally directly to the government in Delhi, but now to the President of Pakistan. Political agents handle relations with tribes via chosen notables, called Maliks, who are subsidised and paid to keep order. 19. As for justice, the principle of collective responsibility and collective punishment still applies. Other members of the tribe can be held responsible for any crime committed by a member of the tribe. A tribal agent can hold a jirga, inviting several Maliks to help him decide points of fact in civil and criminal cases. But even then, the decision of this artificial court is not binding on the political agent. The cases are decided under customary law. There is also a Pakistan version of the West Lothian question. The frontier areas return members to the national Parliament, but the laws passed by the Parliament are not valid in the frontier areas unless there is a Presidential approval. Until 1996 there was no referendum and political parties were outlawed in those regions. 20. At the moment of independence for India and Pakistan there was a legal curiosity. The legal status of these areas changed. All the agreements they had were not with the government of India, for they were not part of British India. Their agreements were actually directly with the British Crown. Thus, legally speaking, at independence all these agreements lapsed and the tribal areas became independent.By November Pakistan had made arrangements with the tribesmen under which their relations with Pakistan would be on the same basis as their relations with the British. That is how Pakistan came to control these areas. They did not inherit them; they found them as de facto semi-sovereign independent territories. 21. There was a lot of bad feeling there has been between Pakistan and Afghanistan on account of the border. In 1948 Afghanistan voted against Pakistan joining the United Nations. Pakistan delayed Afghan import and export goods on the border. Afghan radio called for independence for Pashtunistan. In 1949 Pakistan inadvertently attacked Afghanistan territory by air, a skirmish followed. Shortly afterwards a loya jirga, a great council in Kabul, repudiated all the boundary treaties made with the British, gave support to the idea of an independent Pashtunistan and urged that all the people in those areas should be given a referendum and the right to vote to join Afghanistan. In 1950 there was an incursion into the tribal areas by Afghan forces disguised as tribesmen. These were repulsed by Pakistan Pashtuns. Pakistan stopped Afghan imports for three months. In 1954 1955 the government of Pakistan decided to change the countrys administrative structure. Instead of having separate provinces such as Punjab and Sind, they tried to establish a single unified administrative area of West Pakistan to balance East Pakistan now Bangladesh. Afghanistan saw it as the tribal areas being taken away from their potential influence. There was no war, but diplomatic relations became frosty in the extreme. 22. Pakistan sees Afghanistan as a hinterland which it wants to control as a fallback position, should there be any further conflict with India over Kashmir. The greatest concern however is controlling Kabul and stopping any more of these problems coming back over the borderline. With the 1980s and the Soviet invasion it seemed perfect sense to use the tribal areas as a point for launching the Mujahedin into Afghanistan. Again in the 1990s, its isolation made it the perfect place, not only to host those engaged in the fight for independence in Kashmir, but also to train the Taliban before they moved to control most of Afghanistan. In 2001 the area was again as a refuge for the Taliban. This suited the Pakistani government. They could maintain the Taliban areas as a Talibanised belt between Afghanistan and Pakistan. If the government set up by the West in Afghanistan were to fall, this would give them the liberty to move back and to project their influence there. However, by pursuing this policy Pakistan has created a monster which it cannot control. The Afghan Taliban are fine for interfering in Afghanistan but the area has become a well of religious fanaticism as much opposed to the Pakistani government as it is to the Afghan government. 23. Where does this leave us? Afghanistan does not recognise the Durand Line as a legal international boundary. The Afghans claim agreement to the Line was obtained under duress. They question whether the documentation was in order. They sometimes suggest that the British made up the agreement after returning home. They also question whether Amir Abdur Rahman understood what he was really signing up to, whether he understood the maps and whether he actually intended the boundary to be a legal international boundary. They complain that, at the moment of independence, the Pashtuns were not given the option of full self-determination. They were only given the choice between joining India and joining Pakistan, not independence or joining Afghanistan. They say the jirgas held between Pakistan and the tribal people were probably not in order. They say that the treaties made between the British and the Afghans lapsed at the moment of Independence, for they claim that Pakistan is not a valid successor state to British India.[xiv] 24. Pakistan, of course, holds an entirely opposite viewpoint, arguing that the frontier, the Durand Line, is a legitimate international boundary, in 1893 and confirmed by later treaties in 1905, 1919, 1921 and 1930. Pakistanis hold themselves to be the inheritors of the British legal rights at the moment of independence. 25. When the Line was drawn in 1895 1896, many of the British officials held the view that the Line was never meant to be an international boundary. It was a Line that delimited areas of influence, not sovereignty. There are various other legal considerations. In international law, lines dividing spheres of influence often develop into proper international boundary lines, sometimes even without the explicit say-so of the states concerned. What international adjudicators look at is not just the original treaties; these can often be very unimportant. What matters is the practice of the states. 26. The Line is convoluted, but there are many convoluted borders all over the world where there are no problems. The real problem is that the Line itself generates instability, it is not policeable, and the constitution of the Tribal Areas does not permit economic development to take place. In the 60 years since independence Pakistan has not been able to bring these areas under proper administration. They remain a well of instability, which cannot help harming the relation and ultimate interests of both Afghanistan and Pakistan. With such a peculiar constitutional status in the Tribal Areas, there is no real possibility of stability, of establishing the rule of law, a sound banking system, the accountability of local officials, or putting in place the frameworks necessary for business and commerce. CHAPTER III When Allah had made the rest of the world, He saw there was a lot of rubbish left over, bits and pieces and things that did not fit anywhere else. He collected them all together and threw them down on the earth. That was Afghanistan.[xv] An old Afghan Saying. CONFLICTING STANDS ON PAKHTOONIAN ISSUE 1. The bitterness and hostility between Pakistan and Afghanistan are an imperial legacy and the result of the arbitrary segregation of Pakhtoons by the Durand Line in disregard of their ethnic affinities. The two countries have come to loggerheads many a time over the Pakhtoonistan Issue[xvi]. Before analysing the arguments advanced by both the countries in favor of their positions, it is necessary to .be clear about the concept of Pakhtoonistan. The issue of Pushtunistan is closely linked with the Durand Line as a troublesome tribal boundary. Afghanistan, following the argument that the Durand Line was accepted under pressure, contends that Pushtuns living on either side should have the right of self- determination, as they were forcibly separated from their motherland. Secondly, the Afghan government argues that the inhabitants of Pushtunistan are one nation and that the Durand Line arbitrarily splits the nation into two[xvii]. 2. Pakhtoonistan, conceived as a hypothetical state by Pakistan, has been defined differently by three distinct sources, i.e. the Afghans, the Pakhtoons living outside Pakistan and the Pakhtoons within Pakistan. According to Afghan official sources, Pakhtoonistan broadly comprises two provinces of Pakistan, i.e. North-West Frontier and Baluchistan. In other words it extends from Baluchistan in the south to Chitral and Gilgit in the north. According to another version, the Pakhtoon leaders in Pakistan, like Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Wali Khan, explained that to them Pakhtoonistan had always meant the existing province of NWFP which should be renamed after the Pakhtoons and granted autonomy within Pakistan. 3. The total area of Pakhtoonistan is nearly 39,259 square miles. Politically, the area is divided into two sections—the tribal territory and the settled districts. Though language has been described as the most practical touchstone of identity of the people, there is a lacuna in Pakhtoonistan. Almost all people in Pakhtoonistan speak Pushto or Pakhto, but in some places, which are not inha ­bited by the Pakhtoons, the language of the people is not Pushto. Hence, it evident that all people in Pakhtoonistan do not speak Pushto or Pakhto. In view of the importance of the Pakhtoonistan issue in foreign policy adopted by Pakistan and Afghanistan, it is neces ­sary to analyse in some detail the positions taken by the two countries. Afghanistan Case 4. The claims of the Afghans are based on the assumption that the Pakhtoons are akin to them from the ethnic, linguistic, geographical, historical as well as traditional points of view. Their main contention is that Afghanistan accepted the Durand agreement under duress as Amir Abdur Rahman had been operating under several internal and external constraints while negotiating with the British. The line drawn in accordance with that treaty was invalid, by which, the Afghans argued, their blood brothers had been forcibly separated. Second, as the British Government in India has ceased to exist, they also contend that the Anglo-Afghan Treaty of 1921 is null and void. Thus, they have laid claim to all areas between the Durand Line and the River Indus.[xviii] 5. At the time of partition, the fate of the North-West Frontier province was left undecided, pending a referendum. The Afghan government indicated that under no circumstances it would accept the outcome of the referendum as a fair mea ns of resolving the problem. Afghanistans argument is that the decision on the `referendum was taken unilaterally by the British government. But a decision, in order to be valid, should be taken by all the concerned parties in mutual consultation with one another. More ­over, it was pleaded that the Pakhtoons were given the limited choice to join either India or Pakistan only and not the option to unite with their motherl Causes of Instability in Afghan Pak Region Causes of Instability in Afghan Pak Region DURAND LINE AND PAKHTOON DIVIDE AS THE CAUSE OF INSTABILITY IN AFGAN PAK REGION CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION Durand Line[i], the notorious frontier between Afghanistan and Pakistan. Some people blame this frontier for all of Afghanistans current problems. And there are those who go so far as to blame it for the problems in Pakistan. Indeed, there are those who blame the Durand line not just for terrorism and other problems of instability in Pakistan, but even for the terrorist attacks suffered in London in July 2005, tracing their origins all the way back to the tribal agencies of North- West Pakistan. 2. Some people have even been so bold as to say that everything in Afghanistan would be sorted out if only the United States could cross over the frontier and ‘do its thing there. Such commentators seem little daunted by the fact that British administrators spent 150 years trying in vain to resolve the same problems which confront us today. The region that is today known as Afghanistan was long torn by ethnic and tribal rivalries. 3. The strategic significance of Afghanistan was not lost on either the British Empire or the Soviets. And hence, Afghanistan became a buffer between Communism and the West. Afghanistan shares borders with six countries, but the approximate 1500 mile long Durand Line along Pakistan remains the most dangerous. Kabul has never recognised the line as an international border, instead claiming the Pashtun territories in Pakistan that comprise the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and parts of North West Frontier Province along the border. 4. The geo strategic importance of Afghanistan has been a major factor in foreign policy formulations Pakistan. Afghanistan has always provided the much-needed strategic depth to Pakistan in all its policies against India. The Durand Line, becomes a very important factor as the Durand line, is still not accepted by the Pashtuns on either side. 5. In view of the above, it is essential to identify the fault line i.e. the Pakhtoon Divide and turbulent relationship between the two nations as the source of instability in the region, with specific reference to its effect on Afghan Pakistan relations. The study, while briefly looking at the events leading genesis of the problem will attempt to analyse whether turbulent Pakistan Afghanistan relations(which have not been cordial in spite of geographical contiguity and identity of religion, cultural and economic interests) and Pakhtoon divide legacy as the cause of instability in the region. METHODOLOGY Statement of the Problem 6. To analyse whether instability in Afghan Pak region can be attributed to turbulent relationship between the two nations and Pakhtoon Divide legacy. Justification for the Study 7. Afghanistan shares borders with six countries, but the approximate 1500 mile long Durand Line along Pakistan remains the most dangerous. Kabul has never recognised the line as an international border, instead claiming the Pashtun territories in Pakistan that comprise the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and parts of North West Frontier Province[ii] along the border.Incidents of violence have increased on both sides of the Pakistan-Afghanistan border since the U.S led war in Afghanistan. In the last several years, U.S. officials and national intelligence reports have repeatedly attributed the growing strength of Al-Qaeda and resurgence of the Taliban to safe havens in this border region. 8. The rise of Taliban and the support provided to them by Pakistan has given a different complexion to the Afghan Pak crisis. Taliban led Afghanistan is an ally of Pakistan and the ambit of their relations cover Islamic fundamentalism, support to Kashmir militants and even strategic depth to Pakistan in the event of hostilities with India. Hence it is important to carry out an analysis of the reasons for instability in Afghan Pak region. Scope 9. This study concentrates on the historical perspectives, the Pakhtoon issue, the stands of both the nations on Pakhtoon issue, relations and policies adopted by both the countries which have led Afghanistan Pakistan region into a troubled area and rise of insurgency leading to instability in the region. Data Collection 10. The study is primarily based on information gathered from books written by authors of Indian, western origin and other Afghanistan experts. Other sources of information are articles written in Indian newspapers, defense journals and periodicals have been referred. Various internet sites too have been accessed to get the latest inputs. A detailed bibliography of sources is appended at the end of the text. Organisation of the Dissertation 11. The study will be covered under the following heads :- (a) Chapter II : The Pakhtoonian Issue: Study of Legacy. (b) Chapter III : Conflicting Stands on Pakhtoonian Issue. (c) Chapter IV : Pak Afghan Relations and Pakhtoonian Issue. (d) Chapter V : Pakistans Afghan Policy. (e) Chapter VI : The Insurgency in The Border Area and Threat to Region. (f) Chapter VII : Recommendations. 12. Chapter II The Pakhtoonian Issue: Study Of Legacy. This chapter gives an overview of the historical perspective of the complexity of the present Pak Afghan relations which can be comprehended by understanding the historical background to the Pakhtoonian issue. In this chapter, an attempt has been made to analyse the British and Russian policies of imperialism and competition in Central and South Asia which compelled the to regard Afghanistan as ‘Zone of Interpenetration. The British ‘outer oriented ‘ frontier policy in the north western boders of India which resulted in vague ill defined Indo Afghan border and later hostile Pak Afghan relations. 13. Chapter III Conflicting Stands on Pakhtoonian Issue. The bitterness and hostility between Pakistan and Afghanistan are an imperial legacy and arbitrary segregation of Pakhtoons by the Durand Line in disregard of their ethnic affinities. Both countries have come to loggerheads many a times over Pakhtoonian issue. This chapter analyses arguments advanced by both the countries in favor of their positions. 14. Chapter IV Pak Afghan Relations and Pakhtoonian Issue. This chapter deals with the Pastunistan Issue and Pak Afghan relations, wherein it is argued that the domestic restraints imposed by internal dynamics of the two countries have been responsible for continuation of hostilities. 15. Chapter V Pakistans Afghan Policy. This chapter will cover the interests of Pakistan in pursuing policies to give it control over Afghanistan and their unstinted support to the Taliban to accomplish this endeavor. 16. Chapter VI -The Insurgency In The Border Area And Threat to Region. The Talibanisation of Afghanistan and the various implications/threats it holds for the region would be analysed in the chapter. 17. Chapter VII Recommendations. The Road Ahead CHAPTER II The first and most important advice that I can give to my successors and people to make Afghanistan into a great kingdom is to impress upon their minds the value of unity; unity, and unity alone, can make it into a great power. Abdur Rehman Khan Amir of Afghanistan (1880-1901) THE PAKHTOONIAN ISSUE: STUDY OF LEGACY 1. The complexity of the present Afghan Pak relations can be comprehended better with some political background that led to Pakhtoonian issue[iii] a question relating to legal and political status of the trans Afghan Pakhtoons. 2. The Pakhtoons are ancient tribes[iv], they inhibited the eastern highlands and mountains of Afghanistan when Alexander armies passed through that area to invade India in the 4th century B.C. Afghanistan, as an independent country, is a recent phenome ­non. When Ahmed Shah Abdali was selected as the king by the Afghan tribes there was then no such thing as Afghanistan. The first thing for him to do, therefore, was to bring together various Afghan districts into one political unit. The period after the death of Ahmed Shah in 1773 saw a lot of confusion and intense struggle for power in Afghanistan. By that time the British had established themselves in most parts of India, extending their authority up to the Sutlej. 3. Meanwhile in the early 19th century the Sikh power under Ranjit Singh flourished in Punjab. The dominion of Ranjit Singh expanded considerably in the north-west as a result of political confusion in Afghanistan and extended up to the east of the Khyber Pass.[v] After the fall of the Sikh empire in 1849, the British occupied Sikh possessions, which brought them into direct contact with the Afghan territory for the first time.[vi] It is important to note that Afghanistans boundaries were not clearly defined at that time which gave rise to a number of uneasy and unhappy positions as the British and Russian empires exploited the vagueness of Afghan frontiers. 4. After the conquest of Punjab, the British influence unmis ­takably spread north-west ward. But the British were not the only power that was consolidating its position in the region. The Russians were also advancing in the same direction which made the British uneasy. They knew that Afghanistan having undefined boundaries is the only country between their empire and Russia. Finding direct control over Afghanistan expensive and difficult because of the rocky and mountainous land and Pakhtoons â€Å"tradi ­tional love of independence, Britain wanted to have an independent and strong—though not too strong—Afghanistan as a barrier to the expansion of Russian influence. In other words, the British were keen to make Afghanistan a buffer state between Russia and the British India. Afghanistan thus found itself caught in a vice between the two great powers. Close Border or Forward Policy 5. But boundaries looked increasingly important. By the 1840s the Russians had reached the Aral Sea and were slowly being drawn into Central Asia. In 1849 the Punjab passed into British hands, as did Sindh. By this point British India had as its effective border the foothills of the mountains where dwelt the Pushtun hill tribes. The tribes saw no reason to stop their traditional raids just because the territory was now British. So, like the Mughuls and Sikhs before them, the British were faced with the problem of how to control the tribes. 6. They tried first the ‘Close Border Policy'[vii] which held as a principle that British sovereignty should not be extended to areas which could not be governed effectively. Accordingly the foothills were fortified to keep out the hill-based tribal peoples and irregular troops, levies, were raised to resist attacks on the population of the foothills. To keep the tribesmen sweet, the British tried making agreements with them, they tried friendship, they tried goodwill, they tried allowances for good behavior, giving them money to provide services to keep the roads open, to protect communications, to deny sanctuary to outlaws in contravention of their tribal codes. But this didnt work very well. Expedition after expedition went into the hills to chastise the tribal people. Yet this was all much in vain, clear signs that this ‘close border policy was not working. 7. As the 19th century progressed, another approach was devised: the ‘Forward Policy'[viii], called the Sandeman system, which involved capturing and holding areas in the tribal zones in the hills. Strong points were captured, fortified, garrisoned and connected by roads which would be protected. The tribes would be allowed to run their own affairs in the hope they would gradually come under the influence of the British government. But this forward policy inevitably raised the question of where the border between British India and Afghanistan should be set. At the same time fears were growing about the advance of the Russian Empire. By the 1870s the Russians had been able to capture the great Central Asian cities of Bokhara, Samarkand and Khiva. Hence the appeal of the ‘forward policy which in its most extreme form posited that the frontier be pushed as far forward as possible, ideally to the genuine or ‘scientific frontier of the Hindu Kush, with Kabul, Ghazni and Kandahar forming the first line of defense. This idea found brief expression in the Second Afghan war of 1878 1880 when the British invaded Afghanistan again and found themselves trying to hold the old Mughal frontier. But they failed not because of the Russians, but because of Afghan resistance. The Durand line[ix] 8. By the 1880s the Russians had advanced further and were pressing on the river Oxus and Afghanistan itself. By 1893, the British had concluded that formal borders needed to be established between Afghanistan and British India, so that everyone would know where they stood and the Russian advance could be held off from the British Empire in India. The man sent to negotiate was the Indian Foreign Secretary, Sir Henry Mortimer Durand. 9. Durands main concern was to secure Afghanistans northern border with Russia. A first settlement had been made in 1885 using the Oxus River but the boundary had not been taken all the way east into the region of the Pamirs and the Wakhan. Durand was desperate to make sure that this part of the border was absolutely clear so that the Russians could not sneak down through the Pamir Mountains into northern India. The Amir dangled that card before Durand to get a better deal when the frontier between British India and Afghanistan was negotiated. It is not the case that the British presented a clearly thought-out proposal for a particular line for the frontier and threatened a further invasion if their proposal was not accepted. There was a lot of give and take in the negotiation. The Amir put forward an ambitious boundary proposal, the British suggested a very different frontier line which would include Waziristan in British India. After lot of to and fro, ultimately the Afghans agreed that Dir, Swat, Peshawar and Chitral should be British. In return the Afghans secured some strategic strong points, notably Asmar, which gave them access to Nuristan and various of Afghanistans eastern regions.[x] 10. Then, at the very last moment, when agreement had been reached that all of Waziristan would be British, Durand, almost as an afterthought, possibly as a concession to allow the Amir to gain a little face, suddenly allowed the Amir to keep the Birmal tract of Waziristan. This was not the best of ideas, since it involved splitting Waziristan and the tribal people in two. But it may be that the maps from which the Amir and Durand were working were not very good, for when the demarcation teams went out into the field to try to delimit the boundary, there were areas represented on the map which did not exist on the ground and vice versa. Memoirs indicate that the Amir was pleased with the settlement reached. Nevertheless at the same time the Amir secretly spread propaganda against the British, saying that he was not pleased and that it would be a good thing to move the Line over towards the east. 11. Amir Abdul Rahman Khan ruled Afghanistan for the last two decades of the 19th century. He was prevented from expanding externally by Russia in the North and North East, the British in the North and North West and Persia in the East. Internally, he was also surrounded by many difficulties. His first priority was to consolidate his position internally. After he had satisfactorily consolidated his position to an extent, he turned towards reforms that he felt were necessary for making Afghanistan a great nation in the future. Amir felt that reforms would not be possible until a boundary line was marked along the perimeter of Afghanistan so that people could know what provinces really belonged to Afghanistan.[xi] 12. The Durand Line (refer Appendix ), as demarcated between 1893 and 1896, was drawn all the way from the Persian frontier to the Wakhan, the little area on which the British insisted to keep a distance between the British and Russian Empires. There were two exceptions which at that time remained undemarcated, an area in the region of Chitral and another area a little north of the routes towards Kabul the country of the Mohmand tribe. The demarcation team tried to make the line as sensible as possible by using natural features, such as mountain crests, streams and rivers as boundaries, thus splitting up areas of river drainage. They also tried to set up boundary pillars so that there was some physical evidence of the boundary. 13. A close look at the route of this 1900 mile long boundary, indicates that the first section follows the crest of the Hindu Kush Mountains, where there is only the occasional pass. This section was actually very secure, for given the height and the cold it was difficult to moves forces across the area. Next the Line moves further down towards the Mohmand hills, where there was one of the undemarcated sections. There are still few passes of importance in this region. However coming down to the vital strategic region, the number of passes increases. There is of course the Khyber Pass, another important pass in the Kurram Agency, and a third, the Tochi pass, which was an important trade and invasion route in the old days. Further on, in the area of Waziristan, the Line does not follow mountain crests and peaks so clearly. It is convoluted, following various peoples agricultural rights and field boundaries. The Line splits at least 12 villages in half and divides other villages from t heir agricultural territories. It becomes easier to follow further south where most of the land is just desert. 14. The line cuts tribes and tribal groups in half. The Birmal tract of Waziristan is on the Afghanistan side, with the rest of Waziristan on the British or Pakistani side. The Mohmand tribal areas are also cut in two. And, inevitably, because the border is generally in a very distant set of areas, it is highly porous and difficult to police, especially when family groups are on both sides. Particularly in Waziristan, there are many passes and paths through which it is easy to move from British India (or Paki- stan) into Afghanistan and back. 15. There were advantages of the Line for the British. There was a strategic advantage in that they held positions forward of the passes and controlled the heights, thus facilitating the policing of the passes. They also managed to achieve the tripartite border a vision they had held for a long time.[xii] The first part of the border was the buffer state, Afghanistan. The second part was the tribal areas in the hills, which the British did not try to govern, but simply garrisoned. These areas were vassal states, on the Indian side of the line but not under the sovereignty of British India. The third part was further back, where the real government of India started. The depth of this frontier system certainly kept the Russians away, but the corollary was that the British faced the familiar internal policing problem. 16. There were also advantages for the Afghans. As the ruler of Afghanistan was trying to unify his country and make it into a coherent state. Because he had been given a set of clear boundaries, it was much easier for him to project his power within those boundaries and to know that he would not be interfered with. Further north, he was able for the first time to extend his sway right up to the frontier. 17. For the people on the ground, there was not much of a practical effect. They still had freedom of movement. In the 1893 Treaty which he signed with Durand, Abdur Rahman promised not to try to project his influence over the border. But that did not stop him from inviting the tribesmen from those regions to Kabul and giving them honours, robes, money, guns anything to keep them sweet, anything to keep them on side.[xiii] 18. In 1904 Lord Curzon decided to divide the area to make it easier to administer. Originally the whole area was part of the Punjab. Lord Curzon split it off and created a government of the North Western Frontier Province. He established tribal areas beyond the administrative boundary of India where the Indian government did not presume to govern with regular laws. Different laws were set up for these tribal areas, the Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR), which had been in force in various forms since the 1870s, were now applied in a systematic way. They are a harsh set of laws, with some alarming implications and are still in force today, more or less in the form in which the British left them. All policing, executive and judicial functions are in the hands of a political agent, who is answerable, via a commissioner, originally directly to the government in Delhi, but now to the President of Pakistan. Political agents handle relations with tribes via chosen notables, called Maliks, who are subsidised and paid to keep order. 19. As for justice, the principle of collective responsibility and collective punishment still applies. Other members of the tribe can be held responsible for any crime committed by a member of the tribe. A tribal agent can hold a jirga, inviting several Maliks to help him decide points of fact in civil and criminal cases. But even then, the decision of this artificial court is not binding on the political agent. The cases are decided under customary law. There is also a Pakistan version of the West Lothian question. The frontier areas return members to the national Parliament, but the laws passed by the Parliament are not valid in the frontier areas unless there is a Presidential approval. Until 1996 there was no referendum and political parties were outlawed in those regions. 20. At the moment of independence for India and Pakistan there was a legal curiosity. The legal status of these areas changed. All the agreements they had were not with the government of India, for they were not part of British India. Their agreements were actually directly with the British Crown. Thus, legally speaking, at independence all these agreements lapsed and the tribal areas became independent.By November Pakistan had made arrangements with the tribesmen under which their relations with Pakistan would be on the same basis as their relations with the British. That is how Pakistan came to control these areas. They did not inherit them; they found them as de facto semi-sovereign independent territories. 21. There was a lot of bad feeling there has been between Pakistan and Afghanistan on account of the border. In 1948 Afghanistan voted against Pakistan joining the United Nations. Pakistan delayed Afghan import and export goods on the border. Afghan radio called for independence for Pashtunistan. In 1949 Pakistan inadvertently attacked Afghanistan territory by air, a skirmish followed. Shortly afterwards a loya jirga, a great council in Kabul, repudiated all the boundary treaties made with the British, gave support to the idea of an independent Pashtunistan and urged that all the people in those areas should be given a referendum and the right to vote to join Afghanistan. In 1950 there was an incursion into the tribal areas by Afghan forces disguised as tribesmen. These were repulsed by Pakistan Pashtuns. Pakistan stopped Afghan imports for three months. In 1954 1955 the government of Pakistan decided to change the countrys administrative structure. Instead of having separate provinces such as Punjab and Sind, they tried to establish a single unified administrative area of West Pakistan to balance East Pakistan now Bangladesh. Afghanistan saw it as the tribal areas being taken away from their potential influence. There was no war, but diplomatic relations became frosty in the extreme. 22. Pakistan sees Afghanistan as a hinterland which it wants to control as a fallback position, should there be any further conflict with India over Kashmir. The greatest concern however is controlling Kabul and stopping any more of these problems coming back over the borderline. With the 1980s and the Soviet invasion it seemed perfect sense to use the tribal areas as a point for launching the Mujahedin into Afghanistan. Again in the 1990s, its isolation made it the perfect place, not only to host those engaged in the fight for independence in Kashmir, but also to train the Taliban before they moved to control most of Afghanistan. In 2001 the area was again as a refuge for the Taliban. This suited the Pakistani government. They could maintain the Taliban areas as a Talibanised belt between Afghanistan and Pakistan. If the government set up by the West in Afghanistan were to fall, this would give them the liberty to move back and to project their influence there. However, by pursuing this policy Pakistan has created a monster which it cannot control. The Afghan Taliban are fine for interfering in Afghanistan but the area has become a well of religious fanaticism as much opposed to the Pakistani government as it is to the Afghan government. 23. Where does this leave us? Afghanistan does not recognise the Durand Line as a legal international boundary. The Afghans claim agreement to the Line was obtained under duress. They question whether the documentation was in order. They sometimes suggest that the British made up the agreement after returning home. They also question whether Amir Abdur Rahman understood what he was really signing up to, whether he understood the maps and whether he actually intended the boundary to be a legal international boundary. They complain that, at the moment of independence, the Pashtuns were not given the option of full self-determination. They were only given the choice between joining India and joining Pakistan, not independence or joining Afghanistan. They say the jirgas held between Pakistan and the tribal people were probably not in order. They say that the treaties made between the British and the Afghans lapsed at the moment of Independence, for they claim that Pakistan is not a valid successor state to British India.[xiv] 24. Pakistan, of course, holds an entirely opposite viewpoint, arguing that the frontier, the Durand Line, is a legitimate international boundary, in 1893 and confirmed by later treaties in 1905, 1919, 1921 and 1930. Pakistanis hold themselves to be the inheritors of the British legal rights at the moment of independence. 25. When the Line was drawn in 1895 1896, many of the British officials held the view that the Line was never meant to be an international boundary. It was a Line that delimited areas of influence, not sovereignty. There are various other legal considerations. In international law, lines dividing spheres of influence often develop into proper international boundary lines, sometimes even without the explicit say-so of the states concerned. What international adjudicators look at is not just the original treaties; these can often be very unimportant. What matters is the practice of the states. 26. The Line is convoluted, but there are many convoluted borders all over the world where there are no problems. The real problem is that the Line itself generates instability, it is not policeable, and the constitution of the Tribal Areas does not permit economic development to take place. In the 60 years since independence Pakistan has not been able to bring these areas under proper administration. They remain a well of instability, which cannot help harming the relation and ultimate interests of both Afghanistan and Pakistan. With such a peculiar constitutional status in the Tribal Areas, there is no real possibility of stability, of establishing the rule of law, a sound banking system, the accountability of local officials, or putting in place the frameworks necessary for business and commerce. CHAPTER III When Allah had made the rest of the world, He saw there was a lot of rubbish left over, bits and pieces and things that did not fit anywhere else. He collected them all together and threw them down on the earth. That was Afghanistan.[xv] An old Afghan Saying. CONFLICTING STANDS ON PAKHTOONIAN ISSUE 1. The bitterness and hostility between Pakistan and Afghanistan are an imperial legacy and the result of the arbitrary segregation of Pakhtoons by the Durand Line in disregard of their ethnic affinities. The two countries have come to loggerheads many a time over the Pakhtoonistan Issue[xvi]. Before analysing the arguments advanced by both the countries in favor of their positions, it is necessary to .be clear about the concept of Pakhtoonistan. The issue of Pushtunistan is closely linked with the Durand Line as a troublesome tribal boundary. Afghanistan, following the argument that the Durand Line was accepted under pressure, contends that Pushtuns living on either side should have the right of self- determination, as they were forcibly separated from their motherland. Secondly, the Afghan government argues that the inhabitants of Pushtunistan are one nation and that the Durand Line arbitrarily splits the nation into two[xvii]. 2. Pakhtoonistan, conceived as a hypothetical state by Pakistan, has been defined differently by three distinct sources, i.e. the Afghans, the Pakhtoons living outside Pakistan and the Pakhtoons within Pakistan. According to Afghan official sources, Pakhtoonistan broadly comprises two provinces of Pakistan, i.e. North-West Frontier and Baluchistan. In other words it extends from Baluchistan in the south to Chitral and Gilgit in the north. According to another version, the Pakhtoon leaders in Pakistan, like Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Wali Khan, explained that to them Pakhtoonistan had always meant the existing province of NWFP which should be renamed after the Pakhtoons and granted autonomy within Pakistan. 3. The total area of Pakhtoonistan is nearly 39,259 square miles. Politically, the area is divided into two sections—the tribal territory and the settled districts. Though language has been described as the most practical touchstone of identity of the people, there is a lacuna in Pakhtoonistan. Almost all people in Pakhtoonistan speak Pushto or Pakhto, but in some places, which are not inha ­bited by the Pakhtoons, the language of the people is not Pushto. Hence, it evident that all people in Pakhtoonistan do not speak Pushto or Pakhto. In view of the importance of the Pakhtoonistan issue in foreign policy adopted by Pakistan and Afghanistan, it is neces ­sary to analyse in some detail the positions taken by the two countries. Afghanistan Case 4. The claims of the Afghans are based on the assumption that the Pakhtoons are akin to them from the ethnic, linguistic, geographical, historical as well as traditional points of view. Their main contention is that Afghanistan accepted the Durand agreement under duress as Amir Abdur Rahman had been operating under several internal and external constraints while negotiating with the British. The line drawn in accordance with that treaty was invalid, by which, the Afghans argued, their blood brothers had been forcibly separated. Second, as the British Government in India has ceased to exist, they also contend that the Anglo-Afghan Treaty of 1921 is null and void. Thus, they have laid claim to all areas between the Durand Line and the River Indus.[xviii] 5. At the time of partition, the fate of the North-West Frontier province was left undecided, pending a referendum. The Afghan government indicated that under no circumstances it would accept the outcome of the referendum as a fair mea ns of resolving the problem. Afghanistans argument is that the decision on the `referendum was taken unilaterally by the British government. But a decision, in order to be valid, should be taken by all the concerned parties in mutual consultation with one another. More ­over, it was pleaded that the Pakhtoons were given the limited choice to join either India or Pakistan only and not the option to unite with their motherl